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The longitudinal design of our study poses a methodological challenge insofar as not only connections between different orientations are being investigated, but also processes of development resp. temporal dynamics of these orientations as well as their realization. For analyzing these sequences, we developed a heuristic model of action that forms the basis for further thematic analysis and concept formation. These analyses, focusing on the crystallizing of various types (cf. KLUGE 1999; KELLE & KLUGE 1999), result in different possibilities of modeling with respect to the observation window and to developmental processes. [12]
When analyzing the transitions from education to employment and modes of agency during the first years on the job, our aim exceeds the understanding of actions with their focus on individual situations and focuses on sequences of action in the life course. We regard those sequences as results of self-socialization, i.e. the personal coping and arranging with career requirements and the reflection of experiences of inequality in employment and their impact on the life course. Thus, the question is, how the relations of employment experiences and biographical action orientations can be modeled as life-course sequences. By following the social-phenomenological action theory (cf. SCHÜTZ 1974), we formulate a heuristic model of action (cf. WITZEL 2000a). In doing so, we are sceptical concerning the construction of a general and, at the same, empirically grounded action theory, as proposed by ESSER (1996) in the "rational-choice" resp. decision-theoretical approach (cf. the critique by KELLE & LÜDEMANN 1995, 1996). Therefore, we choose a reconstructive approach to career-related actions and individual meaning or sense-making by conceptually "clustering" the orientations and actions identified in the interviews. The three elements of our basic conceptual model which proved empirically successful as a means for an interpretative analysis of longitudinal data, consist of aspirations (A), realizations (R), and balancing (B), in the sense of stock-taking, that are applied to individual situations in life course. [13]
Aspirations are describing the reasons of action identified in the interview texts. With them, we are able to reconstruct job-related and situation-specific interests, motives and concepts of action or even plans (cf. GEISSLER & OECHSLE 1996). The actors, confronted with opportunity structures, are inspecting alternatives that correspond with their aspirations. [14]
Realizations concern statements about concrete steps to put aspirations into actions. In order to cope with status passages and career demands, actors are focusing on chances that they are trying to realize and restrictions that they want to avoid. [15]
Balancing refers to the individual assessment of the consequences of decisions and actions as well as context experiences. Individual "résumés" are describing the significance of past actions, reflect ways of handling passage experiences and efforts to maintain biographical identity. The meaning of action is emerging in retrospect. This has been neglected in rational-choice theory (cf. ESSER 1996). It is important for the simple reason that it forms an essential basis for perceiving and understanding social reality and for self-socialization processes across the life course. [16]
If the ARB-model is to serve the biographical analysis of action, its elements aspirations, realizations and balancing have to be related to personal definitions of the situations concerning transitions into employment and to further life-course transitions. These situations can be labeled as turning points of the life-course that locate the actor in various contexts of participation in institutions and organizations; here: apprenticeship, job, unemployment, change of job, military/community service, retraining, advanced technical college etc. [17]
Balancing or stock-taking comprises not only retrospective but also prospective reflection which will be followed by new assessments of goals, expectations and plans. Balancing, therefore, linksdue to its double time perspectivethe ARB-sequences with the individual life-course and represents the dynamic hinge of the "balancing-aspirations-realizations-balancing-model" (BARB-model). [18]
Analyses based on the BARB-model show the dynamics of biographical action in specific life-course situations and social contexts. They elucidate, for instancein the individual interview itself and across all three waves of inquirythe coming about of breaks resp. continuities in biographical development and transition processes or the fitting resp. discrepancy of individual aspirations on the one side and perceived institutional expectations and demands on the other; and they explain the consequences of action gained by balancing, for further shaping of a career. [19]
By analyzing longitudinal data, varied observation windows can be opened, corresponding to different questions and theoretical perspectives. Decisions have to be made concerning the extent to which statements from interviews can be compressed across situations and how processes of development are to be synthesized. In our project, the meaning of three biographical perspectives becomes evident: [20]
First, one can produce situation-specific analyses. For instance, different modes of arranging with episodes of discontinuity in employment (cf. SCHAEPER, KÜHN & WITZEL 2000) are discovered by looking at periods in which a respondent was unemployed: which aspirations and perspectives are implied? [21]
Second, there are analyses across situations which differ with respect to the incorporation of developmental processes and, thus, to the temporal axis connected to the longitudinal design. [22]
The direct connection to developmental processes is a characteristic of our typology "family planning" (KÜHN 1999) that shows in an elaborate way how young adults, having finished their education and training, anticipate and plan the transition to parenthood with respect to the timing and coordination with career prospects. In this typology, different courses of orientation are being distinguished. The types vary, first, in the way they are related to family and career planning and, second, whether plans can be realized or not, whether they are being maintained, postponed or set aside. [23]
The typology of "modes of biographical agency (BGM)" concerning work and career (WITZEL & KÜHN 1999, 2000) refers to the individual handling of different life-course transitions and states (i.e., education, phases of employment and unemployment etc.). Thus, it relates to the individual meaning and importance of biographical categories like career, income, qualification. Like the typology "family planning", the BGM-typology spans across situations since it abstracts from the coping with specific risks of individual biographical episodes, focussing instead on the typical modes of biographical career agency among young adults. The theoretical concept of BGM is characterized by a fundamental openness towards stability or change of modes of biographical agency. It is an empirical issue whether the "central thread" in career development continues during the period of observation or is in a process of transformation. In the latter case, the classification according to the typology must be modified. Therefore, an empirical examination, only possible with longitudinal data can show why and how long a BGM remains stable beyond the first experiences made in labor-market and career. [24]
1) The project is directed by Walter R. HEINZ; further team members besides the authors are Hildegard SCHAEPER and Joachim MOWITZ-LAMBERT. Detailed information concerning the project can be obtained under http://www.sfb186.uni-bremen.de/projekte/a1.htm (Broken link, FQS, May 2003) abrufbar. <back>
2) Since the computer-aided analysis represents both a main area in the coming (third) FQS-issue Text-Archive-Re-Analysis and the connection of quantitative and qualitative research of the subsequent fourth issue Qualitative and Quantitative Research: How the two research traditions see each other, we confine ourselves to an abstract of the subject matters and address the longitudinal nature of our study in more detail. <back>
3) As to the procedure of qualitative sampling on the basis of a quantitative inquiry by questionnaire, see also PREIN, KELLE and KLUGE (1993, pp.49ff.). <back>
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Thomas KÜHN (Psychologist), born 1971, graduate of Bremen University, researcher at the Special Research Center 186 "Status Passages and Risks in the Life Course" at the University of Bremen since 1994 (further information at: http://www.sfb186.uni-bremen.de) (Broken link, FQS, May 2003). His research focuses on biography and life course, career socialization, family sociology and psychology, methods of qualitative longitudinal analysis.
Tel.: +49/ (0)421 / 218 4141 E-mail: tkuehn@sfb186.uni-bremen.de URL: http://www.kuehn-thomas.de
Andreas WITZEL (Psychologist, PhD), born 1945, studies in Regensburg and Darmstadt, researcher at the University of Bremen. Since 1990 project member at the Sfb 186 "Status Passages and Risks in the Life Course. His research focuses on career and pre-career socialization, occupation and labor market, and on methods of interpretative social research (especially qualitative interview and evaluation methods and the linking of qualitative and qualitative methods).
FAX: +49 / (0)421 / 218 4153, Tel.: +49 / (0)421 / 218 4141 E-mail: awitzel@sfb186.uni-bremen.de
Address:
Sonderforschungsbereich 186 Wiener Straße, Postfach 330440 D 28334 Bremen
Please cite this article as follows (and include paragraph numbers if necessary):
Kühn, Thomas & Witzel, Andreas (2000, August). School-to-Work Transition, Career Development and Family PlanningMethodological Challenges and Guidelines of a Qualitative Longitudinal Panel Study [24 paragraphs]. Forum Qualitative Sozialforschung / Forum: Qualitative Social Research [On-line Journal], 1(2). Available at: http://www.qualitative-research.net/fqs-texte/2-00/2-00kuehnwitzel-e.htm [Date of Access: Month Day, Year].
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